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The American Paradox:
Spiritual Hunger in an Age of Plenty by David Myers– a Professor of Psychology at Hope College
(Yale University Press: New Haven, CT, 2000). Reviewed by D. Eric
Schansberg (8-06-01)
In one sense, this is a book that would make any economist
happy. In describing the material and spiritual “state of the union”,
Myers uses a framework of “on one hand...” and “on the other
hand...” Harry Truman once remarked that he wanted a one-armed
economist, to avoid hearing that combination. But here, it is a pleasing
characteristic, as Myers provides a thorough and mostly-balanced survey of
the relevant research on crucial and often controversial topics.
Myers opens with a question that frames the dilemma: are we
better off than we were 40 years ago? In a word, he answers ‘yes’ in
terms of material well-being and ‘no’ in terms of moral and emotional
well-being– what he describes as a seeming paradox. “Never has a
culture experienced such physical comfort combined with such psychological
misery.” (p. 138).
Myers gives the reader a guided tour, referring to ample
theoretical and empirical work, current events and statistics, and at
times, proposals for government and private activism. His topics are
widely varied– sexuality, marriage and family, crime, materialism,
individualism, entertainment and the media, education and its impact on
values, and the role of faith– just to provide a terse overview. He
documents familiar and not-so-familiar indicators. He quotes a wide range
of people– from Hillary Clinton to Charles Murray, from Jesse Jackson to
William Bennett. The book is eminently readable and scrupulously
documented (although the 105 pages of endnotes could have been crammed
into many fewer pages). In sum, it is a must-read for social scientists
with broad interests as well as more casual observers of current events.
Christians will find further reason to enjoy and respect
Myers’ book given that his religious faith informs his worldview. This
is most evident in his passion for the vulnerable in our society paired
with his unwillingness to downplay personal responsibility– sadly, a
too-rare combination. Both optimists and pessimists will find anecdotal
and statistical fodder to bolster their views. (Myers is guardedly
optimistic in view of what he sees as improvements since the early 1990s
and an increase in efforts to address society’s social problems.)
Careful thinkers will be impressed by the way he understands and explains
both statistics (working hard to distinguish between correlation and
causation) and the attempts of social scientists to determine cause and
effect.
All that said, Myers’ effort is unnecessarily annoying at
times, especially when the author submits to the common fallacy that
everyone is an economist. His understanding of cause and effect outside of
his discipline is standard, but limited– much as if I were to write a
book on some aspect of social psychology after reading a few books on the
topic. The result: at times, the economic analysis is lacking and the
political analysis is naive or too hopeful. Of course, it would be
difficult for him to write well about this subject without passionate
personal views, but unfortunately those views are not as well informed as
his understanding of the academic literature.
The book is sprinkled with examples, but in this context, a
brief list will have to suffice. From the realm of economics, he exhibits
the common confusions about: CEO salaries, the impact of the minimum wage
and other mandated benefits (p. 146-147,155); firms looking for the
cheapest labor independent of productivity concerns (p. 154);
spread-the-work proposals (p. 155); and over-population and natural
resource depletion (p. 185). From the realm of political economy, he
assumes that taxes typically ‘advance the common good’ (p. 162); he
ignores the possibility that government can destroy community by taking
the place of local and voluntary arrangements (see: Charles Murray’s In
Pursuit of Happiness and Good Government); and he is overly concerned
about the particular need for virtue within democracy and capitalism–
when the absence of virtue is surely a greater problem when larger
government dictates that people have more power over others!
Discussion of other policy proposals is notably absent for
such a comprehensive book. There is no mention of drug legalization as a
way to deal with one of the ‘swamps’ he wants to drain. He ignores the
“school choice” movement, although those reforms would solve the
problems he mentions more naturally and avoid other problems which would
likely follow from his solutions. And ironically, he mentions child care
vouchers favorably! (p. 281) He calls for an end to ‘politics without
principle’ (p. 9), but then does nothing to discuss the contexts under
which government is a legitimate means, even to agreed-upon ends. (The
most egregious example of this is his apology for China’s one child
policy [p. 58-59], which concludes with “Where there is cultural will,
there is a way.” See also: his seeming advocacy of complete gun control
[p. 120-124].)
Finally, a few modest complaints about some of Myers’
terminology. He refers to the moral crisis as a ‘social recession’–
a nice label, except it implies the need for national and governmental
solutions. Elsewhere, he takes issue with ‘libertarian values’, but he
is referring only to an individualism that is often libertine, rather than
libertarianism as a political philosophy. In fact, it is the individualism
he decries, when manifested in political markets, which is one of the
chief reasons our economy deviates so significantly from the libertarian
ideal. He picks up the libertarian theme as well with his
overgeneralization of the political left as civil libertarians and the
political right as economic libertarians. Then, he singles out the NRA as
an example of what he calls ‘special interest libertarians’. And
counter to all of this bad or inconsistent libertarianism, he argues
instead for communitarianism as a “third way”. (For those unaware of
that label, think of a moderate with some spine.) But even this is left
fuzzy, since communitarians disagree over the extent to which
“community” should be sought through coercive vs. voluntary means.
(See: p. 190-191's list of questions– should those be pursued
voluntarily or mandated by law?)
Independent of all of the labels, my hope would be that
Myers’ principle concerns are not with the freedom of individualism per
se, but rather, what is done with that freedom. That he is not as enthused
about communitarianism (however defined) as he is with what it proxies–
love, respect, and concern for others. After all, we are all individuals
created uniquely by God and designed for freedom. As Paul writes, “For
we are God’s workmanship (literally, “masterpiece”), created in
Christ Jesus to do good works...It is for freedom that Christ has set us
free...You were called to be free. But do not use your freedom to indulge
the sinful nature; rather, serve one another in love.” (Ephesians 2:10,
Galatians 5:1,13)
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